http://www.nation.com.pk/daily/221102/editor/opi3.htm. _________________________________________________________________ Opinion Pages History repeats itself? Mansoor Akbar Kundi Gen. Pervaiz Musharraf has been sworn in as the civilian President for another five years. His words, deeds and ambitions are identical to those of his three predecessors who in their capacity as the chief of the Army Staff seized power by displacing a civilian government through a coup as the Chief Martial Law Administrators, legitimizing his role as a President through a Hobson's Choice referendum, and finally as the elected Presidents of a Republic. The first speech Ayub Khan made to the nation on radio on October 8, 1958 said that the army had taken over to avert further political chaos and national disintegration, "A word for the disruptions, political opportunists, smugglers, black marketeers, and other such social vermin, sharks, and leeches. The soldiers and the people are sick of the sight of you. So it will be good for yourself to turn a new leaf and begin to behave, otherwise redistribution will not be swift and sure". He said in public that his authority was a revolution. The Presidential Order 1960 on the basis of which elections were held, gave the members a Hobson's choice "Have you Confidence in the President Field Marshall Mohammad Ayub Khan Hilal-i-Jurat". He sought his election through a referendum based on an electoral college consisting of 80,000 members of the Basic Democracy system as the as the first elected President of Pakistan. Out of the total Basic Democrats, 75283 (96.6%) confirmed his Presidency with additional powers of framing a new constitution to the people. The 33 month rule of General Yahya Khan as the Chief Martial Law Administrator was the ultimate result of the pattern of governance under Ayub Khan. He sought the Presidency and targetted the Constitution but the fact remains that he adhered to his roots of praetorianism where he resigned from the Presidency. On 25 March 1969, he handed over power to Yahya Khan, his Military Chief rather than his constitutional successor, the Speaker, the East Pakistani, Jabbar Khan. Out of many challenges Yahya Khan inherited from the long rule of Ayub Khan the leading one was the holding of elections which he held under the Legal Framework (LFW) in 1970. Yahya tried to play the role of a guardian but the die had been cast for the disintegration of Pakistan. General Zia-ul-Haq, soon after the July 1977 coup, pre-planned in the the General Headquarters (GHQ) under the code-name "Operation Fair Play" made his first speech gave the impression that the army acted as a "guardian" and justified the takeover as a "displacement coup", promising to restore democracy in less than 100 days. In his speech, telecast on the evening of July 5, 1977, President Zia ul Haq said, "My sole aim is to organize free and fair elections which will be held in October. Soon after the polls power will be transferred to the elected representatives - a solemn assurance that I will not deviate from the schedule". During the speech he added, "if there is another martial law there will be no Pakistan." The coup he launched soon led to a seven-year praetorian ruler type role. He assumed the office of President in September 1978. In December 1984, President Zia ul Haq announced the holding of national referendum on December 19, 1984 to seek approval of his policy of "Islamization" with a positive vote also being taken as a mandate for him to retain the Presidency for a further five years. The 12 October 1999 takeover by General Musharraf took over power despite the fact that a civilian government was functioning. Unlike the previous two coups there was little political chaos and instability at the time of the coup. Initially attributed to the plane hijacking which posed a personal threat to General Musharraf's life, the General justified his action. In his first address to the nation by "The armed forces have moved in as a last resort, to prevent any further destabilization. I have done so with all sincerity, loyalty, and selfless devotion to the country. . This is not martial law, only another path towards democracy." He added that "The armed forces have no intention to stay in charge any longer than is absolutely necessary to pave the way for true democracy to flourish in Pakistan." To him, Pakistan was under a sham democracy which he was not going to allow. The challenge to the military take over in the Supreme Court led to a unanimous decision by endorsing the legitimacy of the October military coup on the basis of the "doctrine of state necessity". The court ruled out that no matter the action was "extra-constitutional" it was justified by the situation which had prevailed within the country, notably conditions of lawlessness and the prevalence of political corruption. The decision confirmed that the Chief Executive held a constitutional post with the powers to amend the constitution (to bring the Legal Framework Order (LFO) , but not the fundamental principles that can change the spirit of the constitution such as federalism, independence of judiciary and parliamentary nature. The court made it incumbent upon the government to hold elections before 12 October 2002 for the restoration of democracy.1 Soon after the decision, the President under the LFO or Provisional Constitutional Order, asked the judges of the Supreme Court of Pakistan and relevant High Courts to retake the oath - an essential strategy for affirming the loyalty of the higher judiciary. On 26 January 2000 the Chief Justice Saeed Zaman Siddique and five other judges of the 13-member Supreme Court bench who refused to do so were dismissed. Saeed Zaman was replaced by Ershad Hassan Khan as the Chief Justice. The electoral rule in Pakistan having been dormant for 37 months has finally been restored under the 1973 Constitution with a LFO entailing changes in 29 sections - all designed to strengthen the role of President Musharraf as a military backed civilian President. His becoming of a President is as I said earlier, a repetition of the past. The writer is Professor of Political Science at Balochistan University, Quetta (dera1955@yahoo.com)